Dec '00 / Jan 2001

A Gift Given, A Gift Received: Water
to Iraq

By Edilith Eckart

Election Analysis Progressive
Directions?

By Bill Thomson

Modernizing Our Electoral Rules &
Practices

By Rob Richie

Democracy 101
By Blair Bobier

Clean Money: Campaign Finance
Reform

By John Moyers

Book Review: The Cultural Creatives
Paul H. Ray & Sherry Ruth
Anderson Reviewed by
Peter Montague

Remembrance: Robert Theobald
By Bob Stilger

Transforming Our Dreaming
By Josˇ Stevens

Democracy and the Airwaves
By Suzi Aufderheide

StarLink: More Bad News for Biotech
by Ronnie Cummins

The US Is Warned "Wake Up To Global Warming Threat"
By Environmental News Service

U.S. Position Threatens to Derail Climate Change Negotiations
By Cat Lazaroff

Martin Luther King, Jr: Global and
Social Shaman

By Royal E. Alsup, Ph.D.

Sexual Union, Inside and Out
By Peter Moore

A Pagan Speak to Jesus
By John Darling

Cosmic Calendar
By Salina Rain

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Election Analysis: Progressive Directions?
By Bill Thomson


Little did I realize, when I sent out via email a brief analysis of Ralph Nader's impact on the election early Wednesday morning after the election, that I had apparently released a whirlwind. I have received almost 200 responses (and counting), including possible inclusions in two major newspapers (The Atlanta Journal-Constitution and USA Today).

Most of the responses were quite thoughtful and thought-provoking, though I did receive my fair share of negative input. Gore supporters, thinking I was a Nader voter, accused me in no uncertain terms of creating four years and more of absolute disaster; appellations like "cretin," "rigid ideologue" (you get the idea) were tossed at me. Nader voters, thinking that I was a Gore supporter, accused me of having no principles, with names like "whiner" and "crybaby" tossed about. I suppose it is somewhat to my credit that I was an "equal-opportunity attackee." Fortunately, my experience as a father of three (former) teenagers put me in good stead to weather the attacks. And really, all I was trying to do was to provide some objective information about the impact of the Nader candidacy.

Several people questioned my motivation and background (not to mention my parentage), so for the sake of full disclosure, let me briefly address that issue. Professionally, I am a clinical psychologist and a faculty member at the University of Michigan/Dearborn. I consider myself politically progressive, even radical. I first became politically active in the late 50's in the south (Texas, to be precise). I received a death threat because of a letter I wrote on civil rights in 1962. I participated in the first demonstration in which mace was used, attempting to shut down the Oakland, Calif. army induction center in the mid-sixties. Most recently, I was arrested last August in DC protesting Iraq sanctions. It's been an interesting and stimulating political experience.

With respect to voting for President, I have rarely supported a winning candidate, Democrat or Republican. The exceptions were 1964 (fear of Barry Goldwater), 1976 (Jimmy Carter), and 1992 (Bill Clinton). I refused to vote for Humphrey in 1968 over Vietnam. Typically I have written in Henry Gonzalez (a former San Antonio congressman) for President, though I once entered the name of Ralph Nader. This year I vote-swapped my Nader vote with someone in a "no-contest" state. Locally I vote more pragmatically, often supporting candidates with whom I may have some significant disagreements.

It seems to me that there are several lessons to be gleaned from this election. First and foremost, I would assume that the Democrats will begin to wonder how they managed to lose/almost lose (as of this writing, the issue is still undecided) a presidential election to arguably the least qualified and experienced (except in name recognition) candidate in American history. This, with a candidate, who, though not charismatic, was certainly well qualified through extensive service in federal government. If the Democrats get no further than blaming Nader, they will have missed an opportunity to change both the party and America in a positive direction.

Though others will disagree, I submit that the election was lost by a significant rightward drift at the presidential level over the past several years. Further down the ticket, the Democrats did reasonably well, and as one of the responders to my previous analysis, pointed out, with the exception of Texas and North Carolina, the Democrats did especially well in all states with "sizeable diversity and intelligentsia." It appears that the strategy of the Clinton-Gore candidacies was to attempt to appeal to traditional Republican voters, under the assumption that switching a Republican vote was twice as valuable as attempting to gain an additional vote on the left, and assuming that progressives would automatically vote Democratic as "the lesser of two evils." From a practical standpoint, it's a sound strategy, but it opens up opportunities for Republicans to make inroads into traditional Democratic issues (e.g., education, social security), and most critically, it abandons progressive values held by the Democratic party for almost a century.

So what does a progressive do? I believe that this country needs another thoughtful and well-organized progressive change, and I think that the time may be at hand. If George W. Bush wins, I think that the political ineptitude that he will display through his own inexperience, incompetence and lack of mandate, plus a reasonably likely crash in the economy in the next couple of years (it's cyclic, you know) will set the stage for a sea change in American politics. What will be the progressive's role? And will they be ready?

To answer these questions, it's instructive to look at the influence of third parties in the history of American politics. Since the ushering in of the modern two-party system with the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828, there have been 11 elections in which a third party captured at least 5% of the popular vote. Below is a brief synopsis.

  • 1832 Winner: Andrew Jackson (D)
    Anti-Masonic party (7.8%) (William Wirt)
    Major issues: Anti-Jackson, opposition to secret societies and privileged groups
    Lasting impact: minimal
  • 1848 Winner: Zachary Taylor (Whig)
    Free Soil party (10.1%) (Martin Van Buren)--threw election to Taylor
    Major issue: Opposition to slavery
    Lasting impact: foreshadowed Republican party--also took 4.9% of vote in 1852
  • 1856 Winner: James Buchanan (D)
    Republican party (33.1%) (John Fremont)--threw election to Buchanan
    Major issue: Opposition to slavery
    Lasting impact: Death knell for Whigs, Republicans became second national party
  • 1860 Winner: Abraham Lincoln (R)
    So. Democrat party (18.9%) (John Breckenridge)
    Major issue: Protection of slavery
    Lasting impact: minimal
  • 1892 Winner: Grover Cleveland (D)
    Populist party (8.5%) (James Weaver)
    Major issues: Agrarian and populist discontent
    Lasting impact: Issues absorbed by Democrats--also presaged progressive Republicans (TR) of 1912 Winner: Woodrow Wilson (D)
    Progressive/Bull Moose (27.4%)--finished 2nd (Teddy Roosevelt)
    Major issue: Progressive reform implemented by the federal government
    Lasting impact: Federal government progressive reforms can be traced to this movement.

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